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Tuesday, June 30, 2015

Authentic history, Ku Klux Klan, 1865-1877

Authentic history, Ku Klux Klan, 1865-1877
by Davis, Susan Lawrence, 1861-1939; Published 1924
Topics Ku Klux Klan (19th cent.) -- History, Ku Klux Klan (19th cent.) -- Tennessee -- Pulaski -- History source: https://archive.org/details/authentichistor00davi/

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Police kill more whites than blacks, an analysis

Police kill more whites than blacks, but minority deaths generate more outrage: analysis

Nobel Prize-winning novelist Toni Morrison says she wants to see an officer shoot an unarmed white teenager in the back before agreeing that the "conversation about race" is over, but she almost certainly already has received her wish. An analysis released last week shows that more white people died at the hands of law enforcement than…

This Constitution - A review of the book by Loy Mauch, SLRC

'This Constitution' – A New Book by SLRC Board Member, Loy Mauch. The SLRC is proud to reprint this excellent review of Loy Mauch's book, written by historian Dr. Boyd Cathey, which appeared in the current issue of the Confederate Veteran Magazine (May/June 2015). He has written an excellent primer for students of the US Constitution - a must read for every SLRC supporter. A copy is available from the SLRC for $20.00 postage paid (in US). Please call us at 828-669-5189 to place an order or send a check to: SLRC, P.O.Box 1235, Black Mountain, NC 28711.
We are proud to reprint this excellent review of Loy Mauch's book, written by historian Dr. Boyd Cathey, which appeared in the current issue of the Confederate Veteran Magazine (May/June 2015).
David Loy Mauch. This Constitution Shall Be the Law of the Land. North Charleston, SC: CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2014; paperback; 371 pp; notes; addenda; recommended reading; index.
REVIEW by Dr. Boyd D. Cathey
David Loy Mauch, the author of This Constitution Shall Be the Law of the Land, is an Arkansan, a former state legislator, a fellow of the Society of Independent Southern Historians, and an active member of the Sons of Confederate Veterans. More significantly, he is a facile writer and researcher who has produced a book that could well be a primer for those searching for that one accessible source on the real meaning of Constitutional liberties, states’ rights, and what the Founders actually intended, but also—at times, a searing indictment of those forces that continually have perverted the Founders’ Constitution and destroyed not only the prescribed rights of the States, but also the liberties of the citizens of the United States.
Author Mauch examines the history of the American “experiment” in constitutional government largely chronologically, beginning with the Constitution, itself. He assembles ample and overwhelming testimony that “the United States of America” was the creation of the free and separate states that had won their independence from Great Britain. The Constitution that the thirteen independent states eventually adopted delegated certain very specific and limited powers to a Federal government, reserving the vast majority of rights and self-government to the states. Both the 9th and 10th Amendments—part of the Bill of Rights—make this reservation of powers explicit. Indeed, Mauch cites extensive proof from The Federalist Papers and from James Madison to show the explicit intent of the Founders in this regard.
During the ratification period, even Federalists like Alexander Hamilton were loathe to claim what exponents of powerful managerial Federal government centralization assert today. And the bizarre theory that Abraham Lincoln put forward, that it was the central government that somehow actually preceded and created the states, doling out parsimoniously to them only the rights that it deemed acceptable, is so foreign to the thinking of the Founders that it beggars the imagination.
The originalist belief continued to underlie constitutional considerations during much of the Antebellum period. As Mauch illustrates, the U.S. Supreme Court, in an 8-1 decision in the The Bank of Augusta vs. Earl decision (1839), clearly enunciated this accepted theory: The States between each other are sovereign and independent. They are distinct separate sovereignties, except so far as they have parted with some of the attributes of sovereignty by the Constitution. They continue to be nations, with all their rights, and under all their national obligations, and with all the rights of nations in every particular; except in the surrender by each to the common purposes and objects of the Union, under the Constitution. The rights of the States, when not so yielded up, remain absolute. (p. xxi)
And such views of the powers and authority of the several states were not restricted to those states below the Mason-Dixon Line. Indeed, as Mauch details, at various times, including during the War of 1812 and the Mexican War, states in New England seriously considered seceding, leaving, the Federal Union. And most constitutional writers and authorities of the time agreed. Indeed, famed jurist William Rawle’s volume, A View of the Constitution of the United States (1825), states clearly: “The secession of a State from the Union depends of the will of the people of such State. The people alone as we have already seen, hold the power to alter their constitutions.” (p. 90) Rawle’s text was used as the official text on the Constitution and constitutional interpretation at West Point prior to the War Between the States.
In particular, Mauch offers a breath of fresh air and needed clarification in his discussion of the famous Dred Scott vs. Sanford decision by the Supreme Court (March 1857). In a lopsided 7-2 decision, Chief Justice Roger B. Taney, delivered for the court a decision that just about everyone on the current political scene today condemns. Yet, as Mauch carefully documents, Taney’s decision was entirely consistent both with the Constitution and with congressional statutes. A slave escaping to a free state could not, then, assume the rights of a citizen and sue in court, for the Constitution had explicitly excluded such a possibility. Agree with the law or not, Taney stated, it was the law. The Constitution provided a process for change: passing a constitutional amendment.
Mauch’s discussion of interposition, nullification, secession, and the secession crisis offers a useful summary of arguments that will be familiar to many readers. Yet, it is valuable to have these points recapitulated concisely and persuasively. As he points out, interposition, nullification, and secession had been discussed widely prior to 1860; indeed, both Southern AND Northern States had implemented such actions. As late as the 1850s Wisconsin actually nullified the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 (p. 55).
President James Buchanan, in his last message to Congress and the nation before Lincoln’s assumption of the presidency in March 1861, made it explicitly clear that, as much as he regretted and disagreed with the secession of the Southern States, the Federal government had no power to coerce a state or force it to remain in the Union. Lincoln, of course, with his radical and revolutionary ideas of Federal supremacy would have nothing of that, and as historian William Marvel has pointed out (in his volume, Mr. Lincoln Goes to War), sabotaged and undercut every attempt at mediation and peaceful resolution prior to the outbreak of war.
Echoing writers such as Charles Adams (When in the Course of Human Events), Thomas Di Lorenzo (The Real Lincoln), and Greg Durand (America’s Caesar), Mauch methodically details the severe economic hardships placed on the South as a major reason for eventual secession of the lower South, and the flagrant violation of the Constitution when Lincoln called for troops as the major reason for the secession of the upper South (and, more, the opposition of a large percentage of citizens above the Mason-Dixon Line, as well). Interestingly, several states when they had joined the Union had included specific language declaring that they could withdraw from it if conditions dictated. And this is what individual Southern states did: they rescinded their acts of union.
Certainly, the issue of slavery was discussed at the time; but the major concerns expressed by most Southerners were: (1) slavery is a question for the respective States to decide; and (2) it is a question of property legitimately recognized by the constitutions of the States AND by the Federal Constitution. Any eventual manumission would have to recognize these facts. Interestingly, Lincoln understood fully well that freeing the slaves was not an issue to rally Northern support for a war, and his appeals, certainly up to the Gettysburg Address, were mostly pleas to “save the union.” His overriding concern was to defeat and control the South and empower the Federal government, whatever method was most useful. Recall his famous interview with Horace Greeley in late 1862 that if he were able to save the union and maintain slavery, he would:
“My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it, and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone I would also do that. What I do about slavery, and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save the Union.”
As Mauch shows, the Lincolnian “revolution” — through the defeat of the South — removed the counterbalance to the growth in Federal and national managerial power. The 14th Amendment, passed illegally without the requisite number of states approving it, opened the door in the 20th century to the wide-open doctrine of “incorporation,” that is, applying all types of radical and unthinkable (to the Founders) legislation to the States, when even the drafters of that amendment did not foresee such a process. One such result, clearly NOT foreseen, is the present state of affairs that permits an illegal immigrant, non-citizen female to simply cross the Rio Grande River and have a child on this side of the border and, there you have it, a new “American citizen.” The 14th Amendment was directed to former slaves, and in no way to illegal immigrants. Clarification of this process is just one major item that needs to be addressed both by Congress and the Courts.
Mauch’s final chapters treat a number of the consequences of the Lincolnian revolution and the virtual abolition of the Founders’ Constitution. The Founders had written: “The Constitution shall be…the supreme Law of Land.” As he pleads with his readers, it is long past time for a counter-revolution and the recovery of what has been lost. Such will not be easy, certainly, but for the sake of our children and grandchildren it must be attempted.

May 21, 2015 NathanaelDTLyons Article, Featured, SLRC News This Constitution – New Book by SLRC Board Member May 21, 2015 NathanaelDTLyons...
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Sunday, June 28, 2015

Bishop E.W. Jackson Message to Black Christians (video, 3m58s)

http://youtu.be/Oi_KaZ53eDg

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Racist Roots of Gun Control

The Racist Roots of Gun Control

(Kan. J.L. & Pub. Pol'y, Winter 1995, at 17)
Clayton E. Cramer 

{17} The historical record provides compelling evidence that racism underlies gun control laws — and not in any subtle way. Throughout much of American history, governments openly stated that gun control laws were useful for keeping blacks and Hispanics "in their place" and for quieting the racial fears of whites.
Racist arms laws predate the establishment of the United States. This is not surprising. Blacks in the New World were often slaves, and revolts against slave owners often degenerated into less selective forms of racial warfare. The perception that free blacks were sympathetic to the plight of their enslaved brothers and the "dangerous" example that blacks could actually handle freedom often led New World governments to disarm allblacks, both slave and free.
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Saturday, June 27, 2015

'Seductions of Appeasement' by V. Davis Hanson

The Seductions of Appeasement

     Before World War II appeasement was a good word, reflecting a supposedly wise policy of understanding an enemy’s predicaments. Sober Western democracies would grant tolerable concessions to aggressive dictators in Germany, Italy, and Japan to satiate their appetites for more. With such magnanimity everyone would avoid a nightmare like another Somme or Verdun.
     Appeasement is always a seductive diplomacy because in the short term a bloody crisis is at least avoided. Hopes then rise that either tensions will cool as aggressors are pacified — or at least the latter won’t start trouble until the appeasers are long out of office.      Appeasement is based on the theory that if you give one or two scraps of leftovers under the table to the dog at your feet, he will wag his tail and leave, grateful for such generosity, rather than to prove be even peskier for more.
     Everyone associates appeasement with the Western democracies’ concessions to Adolf Hitler over the occupation of the Rhineland, the Anschluss with Austria, and the dismemberment of Czechoslovakia. Such appeasement — widely praised at the time — was supposed to pacify Nazi Germany to end its chronic bullying, as even Hitler would concede it was foolish repeating the mess of 1918 for possession of slices from a far-away country. It worked for a year, until in late 1939 Hitler invaded Poland to begin World War II.
There are lots more recent examples of alluring appeasement. Secretary of State Dean Acheson once assured a tired postwar America that the Truman administration’s defense obligations did not extend to the Cold War powder keg on the Korean Peninsula. Relieved pundits praised such a realistic concession. Only a nut would want to bring back the B-29s and their former pilots or rev up obsolete Sherman tanks. Then a few months later North Korea invaded the South.
For years Britain felt that it had defused tensions over the Falkland Islands by appeasing various Argentine dictatorships and convinced them of the senselessness of fighting a stupid war over windswept rocks that a few thousands British subjects stubbornly clung to as English home soil. But by 1981 the British had even proposed withdrawing its only small warship from the islands as a gesture of reconciliation or of avoidance of unnecessary expense. The Argentines took note of the planned concession and the next year invaded.
In summer 1990 the American ambassador to Iraq, April Glaspie, tried politely to talk sense to Saddam Hussein about rising tensions with Kuwait. At one point she reportedly explained that “the United States did not take a stand on Arab-Arab conflicts, such as Iraq’s border disagreement with Kuwait.” Saddam shortly invaded Kuwait and two Gulf wars followed in the next two decades. Apparently he counted on U.S. indifference or a weak response to a far-away in-house Arab vendetta.
The problem with appeasement is threefold.
Outreach is always seen as more enlightened and preferable to the greater expense of military preparedness and deterrence. In the 1930s, Stanley Baldwin and Neville Chamberlain sounded like enlightened humanitarians when Churchill groaned like a has-been scold. Until the annus horribilis of 1979-80, Jimmy Carter seemed a steady nice-guy pacifist, and Ronald Reagan was written off as a fossilized kook railing against giving into tin-horn dictators, Muslims, commies and the like.
Concessions often defuse the immediate crisis, but too often ensure a greater war to follow — giving enemies both critical breathing space to prepare for war and increasingly psychological surety that their future enemies are too morally weak to be taken seriously. Again, the proponents of appeasement are seen as peace-loving, its skeptics derided as little more than war-mongers. Worse still, appeasement deprecates material considerations, and substitutes national will as the perceived arbiter of victory. Hitler’s generals warned him that the Western democracies had more assets in 1939 than did the Third Reich; Hitler snapped back that he had seen such worms at Munich and their spiritual flabbiness could not be built up by mere tanks, forts, and planes.
Candidate Barack Obama originally campaigned on the idea of the U.S. should pull all troops out of Iraq by 2008. Once president, he waited a bit until he removed all American peacekeepers at the end of 2011 from a seemingly quiet Iraq.
That move was understandably popular with the public, especially during the reelection year 2012. But as soon as the U.S. garrison left Iraq, there was not quiet appreciation from Islamists. Instead, jihadists of the Islamic State overran half the country. Tens of thousands have died who probably would not have had U.S. forces still controlled Iraqi air space and been on the ground to monitor the Maliki government.
Obama’s reset with Russia was originally also popular, especially when contrasted with George W. Bush’s bitter estrangement with Vladimir Putin over the Russian invasion of Georgia. But resetting the reset with Russia only green-lighted further aggression in Crimea and Ukraine — with more probably to follow in the next two years. So far the oil crash, not necessarily sanctions, has weakened Putin. He knows that chance not resoluteness has stymied his next move. And he also appreciates that fortune is fickle, but Western complacency is predictable. We have not seen the last aggression of Putin’s Russia.
Recently the president hinted that one day the United States might open an embassy in Iran, given his hopes that he can achieve a breakthrough deal with the Iranian theocracy that might lead to new mutual understanding. Unfortunately, the theocracy in Iran probably sees American well-meant outreach as appeasement that will fast-track their efforts to get a bomb — and with it a new Middle East hegemony. If deadlines to stop enrichment in the past were negotiable, if tough sanctions were relaxed, if America was silent when demonstrators took on the theocracy, why would Iran now assume that anything the U.S. advised should be taken very seriously?
Obama unilaterally and by executive order ceased the half-century U.S. isolation of Cuba — but without achieving any mutual concessions from the tyrannical Castro regime. After six years of empty red lines and deadlines in the Middle East, and prisoner swaps from Guantanamo Bay for a U.S. military deserter, the impression grows that the United States will do anything in the short term to alleviate tensions, without much worry about the consequences in the years to follow.
Years ago Obama promised to withdraw all U.S. forces from Afghanistan, regardless of events on the ground. Now they are almost gone. But the ascendant Taliban is responding not with commensurate concessions. Instead, it is confident that there will soon be no obstacle to overrunning Afghanistan and returning it to the medieval theocracy that once hosted Osama bin Laden as he planned 9/11. Hundreds of thousands of Afghans who took seriously Western liberalization and reform will soon likely flee for their lives to places like Bakersfield or Minneapolis — or end up dead as the country sinks to the status of a post-American Iraq or Libya.
The more the United States cuts it defense budget to historic lows not seen in over a half century, the more the administration talks of outreach, the more America boasts of its smart diplomacy and soft power, the more in the next two years there will be a likelihood of war. Obama might have been able to get away with appeasing our enemies had he vastly increased our defense capability. Or he could have worked with our allies to issue genuine and enforceable deadlines, even in the midst of a defense cutback. But lowering our guard while backing off from self-created crises is a prescription for disaster.
Even Nobel Peace Prize laureates can cause wars — or rather especially Nobel laureates can cause wars.
(Video atop VDH’s article by PJTV’s Bill Whittle. PJTV subscribers, click here to watch; an embeddable YouTube clip of Bill’s video is also available.)
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"The Rise and The Fall of Great Civilizations - From Apathy to Dependence to Slavery"
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Now the U.S. Owes $145+ Trillion Dollars! (16Dec13) Up daily since o'tax'n spend was elected!

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The U.S. Deficit in 2007 was $9,007,653,372,262.48
The federal government has accumulated more new debt -- $3.22 trillion ($3,220,103,625,307.29) — during the tenure of the 111th Congress than it did during the first 100 Congresses combined, according to official debt figures published by the U.S. Treasury." -- By Terence P. Jeffrey, CNSNews.com (Read The Full Story)
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3 years ago: The Debt ~ $125T+! Then Obama:  Up $22T+ in only 3 years! $22T to $26T+ by 2015!  Since November 2011 to January 2013 he has added $2 Trillion to the deficit!  States' Unfunded: $3.2T+! • (Dec10) From Jan'09 the deficit: $10.2T→$14.6T up $4.3T/42%! -- Federal unfunded liabilities total $84 trillion .. equal to 5.7 percent of the present value of all future GDP, which translates into about 31 percent of the long run federal revenue estimate,” the report states.  “Thus federal revenues would have to rise immediately and permanently to 24.1 percent of GDP to cover the fiscal imbalance.” (source: http://dailycaller.com/2012/07/16/report-federal-unfunded-liabilities-total-84-trillion/)
Federal obligations exceed world GDP! Is the US Gov't Bankrupt?Unfunded a myth?
Deficit: $ national debt Totals Source: http://www.usdebtclock.orgUnfunded Liabilities: $ 123,308,588,718,662.98 (4Feb14)
Many Americans actually pay $1 out of ever $2 earned to some form of tax while ~50% of people pay no taxes!  Do you pay your bills?  The Fed takes $3 in and spends $5.  Debt per citizen: $51,985 - Debt per taxpayer: $142,513! (13Dec12)
Also, see the blog videos below at http://harrolds.blogspot.com/2009/09/national-debt-how-come-how-much-who-do.html
What were you doing in the last hour while the U.S. Gov't spent $188 Million Dollars of our money!  (Every Hour, Every Day!) (Apr11)   In 8 years, President Bush added $5 trillion to the national debt; President Obama, according to a revised Dec11 GAO report, added $4T+ to the U.S. deficit in 2011 alone!  The GAO estimates the deficit, including o'scamcare & mandates, may grow from $15T+ to over $26T+!  UPDATE: A little-noticed event occurred at approximately midnight on Monday, October 31, 2011.  The National Debt exceeded the GDP!  Imagine what these numbers are going to be now that Obama is reelected! (src)
A trillion seconds pass in 31,688 years.  At $1/sec it would take 41,194 years just to pay off o'tax'n spend's new Feb12-Feb13 added debt - 538,696 years to pay only the national debt or 4,404,632 years to settle the debt+unfunded liabilities!

"Over the last four years our national debt has risen nearly $6 trillion, and just last week the debt topped an astounding $16 trillion.  To put that in perspective, $16 trillion is enough money to fund the US military, along with the military of every NATO country combined… for the next sixteen years!  Government spending is projected to hit $3.8 trillion this year alone.  Even after every tax dollar paid by Americans has been counted, the government will still overspend by another $1.13 trillion.  Every single second of the day our government spends over $12,000.  So in the time it takes you to read this article, roughly five minutes, our government has spent $3.6 million.  It take four seconds for the government to spend what the average American earns in an entire year."  (source: by Tim Phillips 17Sep12 at TownHall.com)
    "Firearms stand next in importance to the Constitution itself.  They are the American people's liberty teeth and keystone under independence … From the hour the Pilgrims landed, to the present day, events, occurrences, and tendencies prove that to insure peace, security and happiness, the rifle and pistol are equally indispensable . . . the very atmosphere of firearms everywhere restrains evil interference – they deserve a place of honor with all that is good." -- George Washington
"The heart of the wise inclines to the right, but the heart of the fool to the left." (Ecclesiastes 10:2)
Bishop Sheen Audio Library small animated speaker "For ye suffer fools gladly, seeing ye yourselves are wise." [2 Cor 11:19] Psalm 109:8
"[W]e ought to deprecate the hazard attending ardent and susceptible minds, from being too strongly, and too early prepossessed in favor of other political systems, before they are capable of appreciating their own." -- George Washington, letter to the Commissioners of the District of Columbia, 1795
small animated speaker Fulton Sheen's "Talk to American Soldiers - The Centurions of Rome 'West Point' (alt src)
Bishop Sheen Radio small animated speaker
President Obama Job disapproval/approval (daily, interactive)
ElectionProjection dot com election results
+ Pre-6Nov12 Polls
Who Won Who Lost
(punctuation optional)
Thousands of Deadly Islamic Terror Attacks Since 9/11
     It has been suggested that o'who?, the clown, and 'those who surround him' are not the bumbling fools they appear to be.  Nor are they one of the 'Three Stooges' but rather are shrewd implementation/drivers and fellow-travelers of policies designed to disarm the citizenry & collapse the American economy.  Why?  o'nocchio's grandiose scheme to "fundamentally transform America" is more than simple campaign rhetoric as can be seen by his use of "enabling acts" to circumvent the Constitution of the United States.  As Ollie used to say, "Well, here's another nice mess you've gotten me into."

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"You need only reflect that one of the best ways to get yourself a reputation as a dangerous citizen these days is to go about repeating the very phrases which our founding fathers used in the great struggle for independence." -- Charles Austin Beard (1874-1948)

2nd, Founding, Traditional American Values, & ProLife Quotes: http://harrold.org/quotes/quotesalone.html

Federalist and Anti-Federalist Papers

"If men were angels, no government would be necessary. If angels were to govern men, neither external nor internal controls on government would be necessary." -- James Madison, The Federalist No. 51, Independent Journal, Wednesday, February 6, 1788
Anti-Federalists and Federalists Papers
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Maintained by "Silent Calvin"
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When Men Were


When Men Were Men - "Scots Wha Hae" Battle of Bannockburn in 1314 Listen to the poem A Speaker GIF Image. "Scots Wha Hae"

Values:   "Scots Wha Hae"  1] poem lyrics..text of "Bruce before Bannockburn" also known as "Scots wha hae", written by Robert Burns
Robert Burns b.1759-d.1796, 8May1794, The Morning Chronicle)  1] "Supposed to be addressed by Bruce to his soldiers before the Battle of Bannockburn against Edward II."
Listen A Speaker GIF Image. to the poem "Scots Wha Hae" read by Doug Robertson [3m55s],  Music by Steve McDonald from 'Bannockburn' [Stone of Destiny]" (.mp3, 3.7MB)
• alternate A Speaker GIF Image. ScotWha2.ram Stream in Real Audio (rm, 3m55s) re [ Robert Bruce's March to Bannockburn, Robert I, the Bruce (1274-1329) also know as Robert the Bruce, "The Hammer of the Scots" ] plus A Speaker GIF Image. "Scots, wha hae Wi' Wallace Bled," (midi, Scottish Songs) & .midi sequenced with lyrics [src] ***
and A Speaker GIF Image. Scots Wha Hae (bagpipes) by the 48th Highlanders of Canada (7MB, .mp3, 3m14s)
and A Speaker GIF Image. Scots Wha Hae, bagpipes solo (1.3MB, .mp3, 1m22s)
and A Speaker GIF Image. Scots Wha Hae (2.7MB, .mp3, 3m4s; 'The Corries' ["Battle songs of Scotland", sung by Ronnie Browne solo] & A Speaker GIF Image. Scots Wha Hae with pipes (4.3MB, .mp3, 4m29s)
Material published on Harrold's blog is collected from email forwards, public articles, and my opines or those submitted by users.  I try to avoid copyrighted material.  If anything on this site has been copyrighted by you, please contact me so it can be removed or give you credit. -- Robert Harrold small envelope • cite info: http://harrold.org/rfhextra/cite.html
"As a nation we have been asleep for years.  Lulled by affluence and self-indulgent apathy, our collective awareness has grown dim.  This has created an opening for our enemies, one that may ultimately prove fatal.  This is the truth and what we do, or don't do, will determine the consequences, for better or worse.  It is time to decide." -- truthandcons.blogspot.com
The Manhattan Declaration

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mailto: Robert Harrold also dba AERC, El Centro, CA, US 92243

Judica me, Deus, et discerne causam meam de gente non sancta, ab homine iniquo et doloso erue me.
Do me justice, O God, and distinguish my cause from the nation that is not holy; rescue me from the deceitful and unjust man.
- Psalm 43 KJV, 42 Douay Rheims  (http://barnhardt.biz)

There are certain universal truths.  There is right and wrong.  Life is, choice Isn't.  The 2nd Amendment is for you and me, not the government.

"We failed to react appropriately to them and, instead, displayed weakness.  And, the weak are always beaten."  ~~ Vladimir Putin

"We sleep safe in our beds because rough men stand ready in the night to visit violence on those who would do us harm." - George Orwell on a BBC broadcast, April 4, 1942


"An armed society is a polite society." -- Robert A. Heinlein (1907-1988) American writer

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